Tuesday, July 2, 2013

Amos Humiston, Died at Battle of Gettysburg, July 1, 1863



Amos Humiston
"If I ever live to get home you will not complain of being lonesome again or of sleeping cold for I will lay as close to you as the bark of a tree."

~ Letter of Amos Humiston to his wife, January 2, 1863
Whose Father Was He?
By Errol Morris, March 2009

The soldier’s body was found near the center of Gettysburg with no identification — no regimental numbers on his cap, no corps badge on his jacket, no letters, no diary.  
Nothing save for an ambrotype (an early type of photograph popular in the late 1850s and 1860s) of three small children clutched in his hand. Within a few days the ambrotype came into the possession of Benjamin Schriver, a tavern keeper in the small town of Graeffenburg, about 13 miles west of Gettysburg. The details of how Schriver came into possession of the ambrotype have been lost to history. But the rest of the story survives, a story in which this photograph of three small children was used for both good and wicked purposes.

. . . Four men on their way to Gettysburg were forced to stop at Schriver’s Tavern when their wagon broke down. They heard the tale of the fallen soldier and saw the photograph of the children. One of them, Dr. J. Francis Bourns, a Philadelphia physician on his way to tend to the wounded from the battlefield, was intrigued. He convinced Schriver to give him the photograph so that he might attempt to locate the dead man’s family. Perhaps he was touched by the poignancy of the photograph — three children, all under the age of ten, now without a father. As a life-long bachelor he might have yearned for a wife or family of his own. On the other hand, perhaps he saw it as an opportunity for financial gain.

Dr. Bourns returned to Philadelphia with the ambrotype. He had it copied by several photographers, producing hundreds of inexpensive duplicates in the carte de visite format. The carte de visite photograph, roughly the size of an index card, could be printed in multiple copies, allowing for much quicker mass production of a single photographic image than ever before. Because there was no way of printing photographs in a newspaper, Bourns knew that he might need dozens if not hundreds of cartes de visite to put the image of the three children before the eyes of someone who knew them.

But the story had to be circulated as well, so the photographs were supplemented by a series of newspaper articles, the most prominent of which appeared in The Philadelphia Inquirer on Oct. 19, 1863, a little over three months following the discovery of the ambrotype. It appeared under the heading, “Whose Father Was He?”
 . . . And then, a woman in Portville, N.Y., was shown a story about the photograph that appeared in the American Presbyterian. She feared the worst, having not heard from her husband since the battle of Gettysburg. She asked the town postmaster to write to Dr. Bourns on her behalf and request a copy of the ambrotype. When she opened the letter from Philadelphia in late November of 1863, Philinda Humiston knew her husband, Amos Humiston, the father of her three children — Franklin, Alice and Frederick — was dead.

Franklin age 8,
Frederick age 4
and Alice age 6.
The Homestead Association was incorporated in 1866, three years after Amos Humiston's death. Its purpose was to establish an orphanage for the children of deceased soldiers. A house adjacent to the cemetery was acquired, a board appointed (which included James Garfield, a future president of the United States), and a superintendent hired. Dr. Bourns was the general secretary. Philinda, Amos’s widow, accepted a position as a housekeeper and Frank, Alice and Fred, the three Humiston children, came to Gettysburg to live at the Homestead, less than a mile from where their father had died. The orphanage opened with an elaborate ceremony that included the children singing “America.” It was celebrated in newspapers around the country. It was an attempt to give meaning to the terrible battle losses that had occurred at Gettysburg — to heal a wound that affected the entire nation.
Proposed Desigh for National Homestead at Gettysburg
. . . Dr. Bourns also provided a drawing of what the Homestead Orphanage would look like. It depicts a palatial domicile, complete with gables, arches, columns, and a mansard-roofed tower. The actual Homestead Orphanage, photographed on June 21, 1867, on the occasion of the first visit to Gettysburg by Ulysses S. Grant, is somewhat less impressive.
 The caption on the card-mounted photograph says, “It is used until a more commodious and suitable structure can be erected to shelter its present fatherless inmates . . .” The use of the word “inmates” may simply be an anachronism or a forbidding harbinger of what was to happen next.
Homestead Orphanage
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania
In 1870 Dr. Bourns hired Rosa J. Carmichael. The doctor wrote in his recommendation, “As a teacher and disciplinarian, Mrs. Carmichael has few equals, and she is a most assiduous and faithful worker, laboring often beyond her strength in school and out.” Indeed. She was the Cruella de Vil of the Homestead. Except she was no comic-book villain, she was the real thing. Rumors began that all was not well with the children. Locals noticed that they were no longer allowed to participate in Memorial Day activities like putting on a pageant and decorating graves. The orphans were instead forced to watch while “happy children” brought flowers to the various cemeteries around town. Edward Woodward, a local veteran, wrote, “They are kept like galley slaves, while strangers decorate their fathers’ graves.”
More stories began to circulate about strange goings-on at the Homestead. Little Lizzie Hutchinson and Bella Hunter were forced to wear boys’ clothes for more than two months as punishment for tearing their dresses. Mrs. Carmichael even conscripted one of the older children to serve as informant and stooge. John M. Vanderslice, a Philadelphia investigator, Assistant Adjutant General of the Department of Pennsylvania, Grand Army of the Republic, reported, “The boy beats and kicks in the most cruel manner little children of tender age and does it with the apparent delight of the matron and with her certain approval.” Vanderslice also made his strong opinions about Dr. Bourns evident. He called the Homestead “a summer resort of Dr. Bourns, where he is waited upon by the little inmates, whose fathers sleep in the adjoining cemetery.”

May 30, 1876, marked the beginning of the end. The nightmare conditions at the orphanage were finally exposed in a series of newspaper articles. The orphans had been denied food, clothing and schooling. Not only had they been beaten, but leg irons and hobbling chains were also used. Were these really necessary? Were the orphans behaving so badly that they needed to be hobbled?

In 1877, Dr. Bourns was charged with embezzling. The charge included “mismanagement, waste of property and violation of trust.” On Dec. 21, 1877, the Star and Sentinel (the local paper in Gettysburg) noted that the orphanage was “about winding up.” And on Jan. 18, 1878, the property was seized by the sheriff, and later that year its contents auctioned.



Plaque for Amos HumistonThe monument to Amos Humiston is in Gettysburg
beside the fire station, on Stratton Street between
York Street and the railroad
From the tablet on the monument:
Near this spot on July 1, 1863 a Union soldier fell mortally wounded. When a local resident found the unidentified body, he also discovered a photograph of three children. News of this poignant find was soon widely covered by the press, and copies of the photograph were distributed and sold for charity. One of these reached Mrs. Phylinda Humiston of Portville, New York, who now realized that her husband, Sergeant Amos Humiston of Company C, 154th New York Volunteers, had been killed. The plight of the Humiston children - Frank, Frederick, and Alice - touched an outpouring of sympathy and donations from throughout the North, leading to the establishment of a Soldier's Orphan's Home in Gettysburg in 1866. Sergeant Humiston's body was removed from here to the Gettysburg National Cemetery.


Amos Humiston: The Union Soldier Who Died at Gettysburg
 

By Mark H. Dunkelman, 1997
Born in Owego, Tioga County, New York, on April 26, 1830, Amos spent his boyhood in that Susquehanna River town. Like his own children, he and his older brother and sisters lost their father while very young, Ambrose Humiston having died in 1837. Their mother Mary rewed, and the children grew up in the home of Philander Boice. Tragedy struck Amos again when his sister Maria drowned in a mill pond.
After attending the local school, Amos followed his brother Morris into an apprenticeship as a harness maker. For years, the Humiston boys studied the craft of cutting, finishing, and stitching leather to fashion harnesses. When Morris completed his apprenticeship in 1848, he opened a shop in the nearby town of Candor. Amos apparently finished his apprenticeship two years later, at age twenty. But when the younger Humiston pondered the prospect of spending the rest of his life as a harness maker, he had second thoughts. Instead of joining Morris's business or opening his own shop, Amos left Tioga County and embarked on his first great adventure.
In November 1850, he signed a whaleman's shipping paper in New Bedford, Massachusetts, and committed himself to sail as a 'green hand'–a man who had never been to sea–aboard Captain John Keen Hatheway's ship, Harrison. Amos and the ship's thirty other crewmen were among the approximately 19,000 seamen manning American whalers that year.
It was the golden age of whaling in the United States, and New Bedford was the trade's capital. Whaling ships sailed from the bustling port to all points of the compass, returning with the oil of sperm and right whales to light the country's lamps and lubricate its machines, and 'whalebone' to shape its hoops, umbrellas, and corsets. During two weeks in port before the Harrison sailed, Amos observed a town filled with the whaling industry's colorful characters, including the notorious 'landsharks,' who often impressed reluctant recruits into signing on to a ship.
The Harrison weighed anchor on December 12, 1850, and almost three-and-a-half years passed before she returned to her home port. Amos and his fellow crewmen endured month after month of bad food, raging storms, backbreaking labor, and the dangers associated with hunting whales. Days and weeks sometimes passed with nothing in sight but the boundless blue. Then came flurries of activity–encounters with other ships, sightings of whales, the lowering of whaleboats, and the chase: often successful, but sometimes resulting in smashed boats and injured men.
Following the typical pattern of New England whalers, the Harrison spent the summers cruising the whaling grounds of the North Pacific, and the winter months along the equator and in the South Pacific. Captain Hatheway and his crew had only moderate success until the summer of 1853, when the Harrison, passing through the Kuril Islands off Russia's eastern coast into the frigid Sea of Okhotsk, found a bountiful supply of bowhead and right whales. Amos and the rest of the crew took 18 whales between late May and early September. It was a summer of ice and fog and blood and oil, and the ship left the Okhotsk waters with a full load. After a final stop in the Sandwich Islands, as the Hawaiian Archipelago was then called, the Harrison and her crew sailed for home in November. They reached New Bedford five months later.
The Harrison's cargo of oil and whalebone was worth approximately $65,000, of which three-quarters went to the ship's owners. Captain Hatheway and his men divided the remainder, with lower ranks receiving lesser amounts and green hands getting the smallest shares. After various deductions, Amos Humiston's 'lay' probably amounted to about $200, or only 17 cents per day, for forty months of hard and often dangerous work.
One voyage aboard a whaler was enough for Amos: harness making no longer looked so bad. He pocketed his meager earnings and headed home to Tioga County. And soon after his return, he fell in love.
Philinda Smith was a year younger than Amos, and the two met when she was visiting with relatives in Morris Humiston's adopted town of Candor. Following a whirlwind courtship, Amos and Philinda were married on July 4, 1854, at Morris's house. Their three children arrived at regular intervals and seem to have marked the Humistons' movement westward. Franklin was born at Candor in 1855; Alice, about 60 miles to the west, at Adrian, New York, in 1857; and Frederick, in Portville, about 45 miles farther west, in 1859. Finally ready to settle down, Amos opened a harness shop in Portville with George W. Lillie, a boyhood neighbor from Owego.
'When the rebellion first took the form of open war upon the country, [Amos] was anxious to enlist,' Reverend Ogden later wrote, 'but his duty to his family seemed then to be paramount to his duty to his country.' However, in July 1862, President Lincoln issued a call for 300,000 three-year volunteers. Assured by townsmen that his family would be cared for in his absence, Amos set out on his second adventure when he became one of the first Portville men to respond to the president's summons, enlisting on July 26.
Amos Humiston was mustered in as a corporal in Company C of the 154th New York on September 24, 1862, and a few days later, he left with the regiment for the Virginia front, where it was assigned to the First Brigade, Second Division of the Eleventh Corps, Army of the Potomac. The 154th spent its first seven months with that command, making inconsequential movements in northern Virginia. Amos related his experiences to Philinda in letters that expressed both longing for his family and a willingness to meet the enemy in battle.
During an expedition to Thoroughfare Gap in the Bull Run Mountains that fall, Amos was one of many members of the 154th who fell ill. For weeks he languished with a fever, lying in a tent that he described as poorer than an old bird's nest. But with the support of his comrades of Company C, who 'have stuck to me like brothers,' he pulled through. 'I can die in battle like a man,' Amos declared, 'but I hate the idea of dieing here like a hog.'
By New Year's Day of 1863, Amos was encamped near the Rappahannock River at Falmouth, Virginia, in a log hut that 'rivles all modern architecture,' he boasted. Later that month, his regiment slogged along on the notorious 'Mud March,' when a planned offensive by the army became bogged down during heavy rains. Virginia mud was a formidable enemy, Amos noted: 'It is like glue.' A few days after returning to camp, on January 25, Humiston was promoted to sergeant.
The 154th New York moved its winter camp to the vicinity of Stafford Court House, Virginia, and by March 1863, Amos was sick again, suffering from chronic diarrhea, or 'the Virginia quick step,' as he called it. Although his friends cared for him, he could not shake the condition, and at the end of the month, he was admitted to the division hospital. There he recovered sufficiently to take part in the campaign that led the 154th New York across the Rappahannock River into an area known as the Wilderness, where the regiment fought its first battle.
On the evening of May 2, 1863, the Eleventh Corps was shattered by Confederate General Thomas J. 'Stonewall' Jackson's famous flank attack at the Battle of Chancellorsville. The 154th, in a forlorn and rather foolhardy attempt to cover the retreat of the corps, lost forty percent of its men as casualties. By a lucky accident of velocity and trajectory, Amos survived. During the fighting, he was struck in the ribs above his heart by a spent bullet. The close call 'made me think of home,' he confessed to Philinda.
Back in the dilapidated old camp near Stafford Court House after the failure of the campaign, Amos was delighted to get a special present from his wife. 'I got the likeness of the children and it pleased me more than eney thing that you could have sent to me,' Amos wrote to Philinda on receiving the soon-to-be-famous ambrotype. 'How I want to se them and their mother is more than I can tell I hope that we may all live to see each other again if this war dose not last to long.'
Weeks later, the 154th broke camp and embarked on a series of grueling marches in choking dust and blazing heat northward through Virginia, then across the Potomac River into Maryland. On July 1, 1863, they crossed into Pennsylvania. That afternoon the tired troops arrived at Evergreen Cemetery, on a hill overlooking the town of Gettysburg. There they paused to eat lunch, clean and load their rifles, and enjoy a brief rest.
On the other side of town, a battle was raging. Amos and his comrades anxiously watched the billowing smoke and listened to the roar of musketry and artillery, wondering if they would be sent into the fight. Soon the suspense ended. The 154th was rushed to the northeastern outskirts of Gettysburg, where it was to help cover the retreat of the Eleventh Corps–the same dangerous role it had played at Chancellorsville.
The results were equally disastrous. The Federal brigade had barely been posted behind a fence in a brickyard when two large Confederate brigades attacked the position. Outnumbered three to one, the Union troops were sent reeling. Retreating from the center of the besieged blue line, almost all of the members of the 154th New York were surrounded and captured by the enemy. With the Southerners in close pursuit, the few Federals who escaped made a mad dash for the safety of Cemetery Hill.

Among them was Sergeant Humiston. He ran less than a quarter-mile before he met his fate.

 After the picture of Humiston's children was identified, a second publicity campaign began, appealing for donations.  Gifts came from the wealthy and the humble. Among the contributors was financier Jay Gould, one of the richest men in America. 


Sunday school classes also pitched in to raise money, and, if they donated a sufficient amount, they could receive copies of a popular song called "Children of the Battlefield" by balladeer James Gowdy Clark, whose first stanza concluded with the lines, 

"and blame him not, if in the strife, he breathed a soldier's prayer: 
Father, shield the soldier's wife, and for his children care."


Most accounts ignored Amos's earlier life, choosing instead to present him only as a corpse on the Gettysburg battlefield. In its January 2, 1864, edition, for example, the popular Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper ran a fanciful woodcut, complete with dead horses and circling vultures, which was entitled, 'The Last Thought of a Dying Father.' 


The brief, accompanying article described what the paper called 'one of the most touching scenes of the battlefield of Gettysburg,' but it neglected to name the devoted father, referring to him simply as 'a volunteer from New York.'
Gettysburg's Unknown Soldier:
The Life, Death and Celebrity of Amos Humiston
by Mark Dunkelman
Book Review - Smithsonian Associates 
This is the account of how an ordinary soldier became the most famous enlisted man in the most famous battle of the Civil War. We immediately learn that the soldier was Amos Humiston of the 154th New York Volunteer Infantry, along with many details of Humiston's earlier life. Briefly, Humiston began his career as a harness maker, but soon left home to find adventure as a whaler, then he married a young widow, Philinda Smith, and went back to harness making.
The story shifts to Dr. John Francis Bourns, traveling to Gettysburg to help treat the wounded at the battlefield. When he hears the story of the unknown soldier and the children's picture, Bourns seizes the opportunity of a lifetime with both hands. Bourns initiates what we would call today, a media blitz. He publicizes the story (and himself) widely, recounting the particulars to audiences throughout the North, convincing them that his only mission is to find this poor soul's loved ones!
The Humiston family's celebrity and exploitation began as soon as copies of the picture, related sheet music, and poems were sold with the intention to locate them and to support the orphaned children. Within a month, the soldier's wife and children were located. Philinda Humiston got some money, and eventually a home for war orphans was built. However, human nature being the same then as now, most of the money lined Dr. Bourns' pocket instead. A short ten years after the orphanage was founded it closed, due to mismanagement and alleged child abuse by the last administrator, Rosa Carmichael. 
On the surface, this book tells an interesting and little-known story. The image of the dying Union soldier holding his children's picture as he breathes his last upon the battlefield captivates our imagination today, just as it did for people in the North 135 years ago. But on another level, the story is a basic study of human nature. Dunkelman uses 1863 headlines to reveal that this tale of grief, greed, and cruelty is not at all new. That's the bad news. The good news is that, in spite of the public spectacle and exploitation of the Humistons perpetrated by Dr. Bourns, the Humiston story provided much-needed solace during a war that was destroying thousands of families, and that nearly destroyed the nation.

On the day they arrived in Gettysburg, Frank, Alice, and Fred decorated their father's grave with flowers. Amos Humiston had been reinterred in Grave 14, Row B of the New York section of the Soldiers' National Cemetery–directly adjacent to the Baltimore Street orphanage inspired by his story. At the formal dedication of the National Orphans' Homestead, on November 20, the Reverend John W. Mears, editor of the American Presbyterian, held the audience spellbound with an account of the Humiston story. 
When, in October 1869, Philinda Humiston married a Massachusetts minister named Asa Barnes, their descendants recalled, she and the children gladly left Gettysburg.
All three of Amos's children attended Lawrence Academy in Groton, Massachusetts. Frank continued his education at Dartmouth College and the University of Pennsylvania Medical School. He hung his doctor's shingle in Jaffrey, New Hampshire, where he raised a family and practiced until his death in 1912, a popular and successful physician. 
Alice never married and was somewhat of a nomad, working at a variety of jobs in New England and New York. She was living with one of Frank's daughters in California in 1933 when she met a tragic death, burned fatally when her dress caught fire from an open flame. 
Fred raised a family and became a prosperous grain merchant in West Somerville, Massachusetts; he died in 1918. After Asa Barnes died in 1881, Philinda seems to have divided her time between Frank's and Fred's families. She died at Frank's home in Jaffrey in 1913.
The Humistons spent their later lives shunning the spotlight of celebrity, which had shined so brightly on them during the Civil War years. All three grown children and their mother were familiar to the townfolk of Jaffrey, but their storied past was generally unknown until one winter night, when, during the presentation of an illustrated lecture on the Battle of Gettysburg, a lantern slide of the 'Children of the Battlefield' was projected. The stunned audience recognized the children in the photograph to be their beloved doctor and his sister and brother.
"To my wife"
by Amos Humiston

 

 

Monday, July 1, 2013

"The Harvest of Death", Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, July 1863
"The Harvest of Death"
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania
A few days after the Battle of Gettysburg, July 1-3, 1863
Taken by Timothy O'Sullivan

Slowly, over the misty fields of Gettysburg--as all reluctant to expose their ghastly horrors to the light--came the sunless morn, after the retreat by Lee's broken army. Through the shadowy vapors, it was, indeed, a "harvest of death" that was presented; hundreds and thousands of torn Union and rebel soldiers--although many of the former were already interred--strewed the now quiet fighting ground, soaked by the rain, which for two days had drenched the country with its fitful showers.
A battle has been often the subject of elaborate description; but it can be described in one simple word, devilish! and the distorted dead recall the ancient legends of men torn in pieces by the savage wantonness of fiends. Swept down without preparation, the shattered bodies fall in all conceivable positions. The rebels represented in the photograph are without shoes. These were always removed from the feet of the dead on account of the pressing need of the survivors. The pockets turned inside out also show that appropriation did not cease with the coverings of the feet. Around is scattered the litter of the battle-field, accoutrements, ammunition, rags, cups and canteens, crackers, haversacks, &c., and letters that may tell the name of the owner, although the majority will surely be buried unknown by strangers, and in a strange land. Killed in the frantic efforts to break the steady lines of an army of patriots, whose heroism only excelled theirs in motive, they paid with life the price of their treason, and when the wicked strife was finished, found nameless graves, far from home and kindred.

Such a picture conveys a useful moral: It shows the blank horror and reality of war, in opposition to its pageantry. Here are the dreadful details! Let them aid in preventing such another calamity falling upon the nation
These paragraphs open the text that Alexander Gardner wrote to accompany this photograph in Gardner's Photographic Sketch Book of the War, published in 1866.  Both text and image capture the war's toll of death and destruction, especially apparent after the Battle of Gettysburg, which took place from July 1 to July 3, 1863.  Although Gardner's caption identifies the men in the photograph as "rebels represented...without shoes," they are probably Union dead. During the Civil War, shoes were routinely removed from corpses because supplies were scarce and surviving troops needed them. 

The two armies suffered between 46,000 and 51,000 casualties. Union casualties were 23,055 (3,155 killed, 14,531 wounded, 5,369 captured or missing), while Confederate casualties are more difficult to estimate. Many authors have referred to as many as 28,000 Confederate casualties, and Busey and Martin's more recent 2005 work, Regimental Strengths and Losses at Gettysburg, documents 23,231 (4,708 killed, 12,693 wounded, 5,830 captured or missing). Nearly a third of Lee's general officers were killed, wounded, or captured.

Over 8,000 men had been killed outright; these bodies, lying in the hot summer sun, needed to be buried quickly. 

Over 3,000 horse carcasses were burned in a series of piles south of town; townsfolk became violently ill from the stench.

Lydia Lyster's Farmhouse
Lydia Lyster, who owned the small farmhouse used by George Meade as his headquarters, found 17 dead horses in her yard. Her only compensation for the extensive damage to her property was selling their bones at a half cent per pound.

Elizabeth Thorn, wife of the manager of the town's largest cemetery, reportedly dug over 100 graves herself, despite being pregnant. 

Peter and Elizabeth Thorn
Among the corpses found near the west side of the stonewall on Cemetery Ridge was a woman who had disguised her gender to fight for the Confederacy. 

Shortly after the two warring armies retired from the Gettysburg, they left behind over 7,000 dead scattered around the battlefield. The sheer number of rapidly decomposing bodies posed an imminent health hazard, if not a ghastly scene. As one Confederate soldier recalled passing over the fields northwest of Gettysburg on July 4, 
“The sights and smells that assailed us were simply indescribable-corpses swollen to twice their size, asunder with the pressure of gases and vapors…The odors were nauseating, and so deadly that in a short time we all sickened and were lying with our mouths close to the ground, most of us vomiting profusely.” 

Cornelia Hancock
Cornelia Hancock was a 23-year-old woman from Hancock's Bridge, New Jersey, who sought to aid the war effort in some way. The battle at Gettysburg offered her the opportunity, and she made her way to the field, arriving on July 7th. She described the scene she encountered at the Union Second Corps hospital, where she served as a volunteer nurse.

Learning that the wounded of the Third Division of the Second Corps, including the 12th Regiment of New Jersey, were in a Field Hospital about five miles outside of Gettysburg, we determined to go there early the next morning, expecting to find some familiar faces among the regiments of my native state. As we drew near our destination we began to realize that war has other horrors than the sufferings of the wounded or the desolation of the bereft. A sickening, overpowering, awful stench announced the presence of the unburied dead, on which the July sun was mercilessly shining, and at every step the air grew heavier and fouler, until it seemed to possess a palpable horrible density that could be seen and felt and cut with a knife.
Not the presence of the dead bodies themselves, swollen and disfigured as they were, and lying in heaps on every side, was as awful to the spectator as that deadly, nauseating atmosphere which robbed the battlefield of its glory, the survivors of their victory, and the wounded of what little chance of life was left to them.
As we made our way to a little woods in which we were told was the Field Hospital we were seeking, the first sight that met our eyes was a collection of semi-conscious but still living human forms, all of whom had been shot through the head, and were considered hopeless. They were laid there to die and I hoped that they were indeed too near death to have consciousness. Yet many a groan came from them, and their limbs tossed and twitched. The few surgeons who were left in charge of the battlefield after the Union army had started in pursuit of Lee had begun their paralyzing task by sorting the dead from the dying, and the dying from those whose lives might be saved; hence the groups of prostrate, bleeding men laid together according to their wounds.
There was hardly a tent to be seen. Earth was the only available bed during those first hours after the battle. A long table stood in this woods and around it gathered a number of surgeons and attendants. This was the operating table, and for seven days it literally ran blood. A wagon stood near rapidly filling with amputated legs and arms; when wholly filled, this gruesome spectacle withdrew from sight and returned as soon as possible for another load. So appalling was the number of the wounded as yet unsuccored, so helpless seemed the few who were battling against tremendous odds to save life, and so overwhelming was the demand for any kind of aid that could be given quickly, that one's senses were benumbed by the awful responsibility that fell to the living. Action of a kind hitherto unknown and unheard of was needed here and existed here only.
From the pallid countenances of the sufferers, their inarticulate cries, and the many evidences of physical exhaustion which were common to all of them, it was swiftly borne in upon us that nourishment was one of the pressing needs of the moment and that here we might be of service.  Our party separated quickly, each intent on carrying out her own scheme of usefulness. No one paid the slightest attention to us, unusual as was the presence of half a dozen women on such a field; nor did anyone have time to give us orders or to answer questions. Wagons of bread and provisions were arriving and I helped myself to their stores.
I sat down with a loaf in one hand and a jar of jelly in the other: it was not hospital diet but it was food, and a dozen poor fellows lying near me turned their eyes in piteous entreaty, anxiously watching my efforts to arrange a meal.
... It seemed as if there was no more serious problem under Heaven than the task of dividing that too well-baked loaf into portions that could be swallowed by weak and dying men. I succeeded, however, in breaking it into small pieces, and spreading jelly over each with a stick. I had the joy of seeing every morsel swallowed greedily by those whom I had prayed day and night I might be permitted to serve. An hour or so later, in another wagon, I found boxes of condensed milk and bottles of whiskey and brandy. I need not say that every hour brought an improvement in the situation, that trains from the North came pouring into Gettysburg laden with doctors, nurses, hospital supplies, tents, and all kinds of food and utensils: but that first day of my arrival, the sixth of July, and the third day after the battle, was a time that taxed the ingenuity and fortitude of the living as sorely as if we had been a party of shipwrecked mariners thrown upon a desert island.
The majority of dead from both armies were buried in shallow graves, placed beneath the soil by those unconcerned with the individual’s name or regiment and bent on completing this disagreeable task as quickly as possible. However in less than two months the journey to the final resting place for the Union dead would commence as they were disinterred from their temporary graves to a place more fitting. Not so for the men wearing butternut and gray. They would remain in their scattered, poorly marked graves for nearly nine more years.
Confederate Dead Gathered for Burial
Gettysburg National Military Park Rangers, interns, and volunteers are frequently asked a series of questions by visitors starting with: Where are the Confederate dead buried? Many of these visitors have walked through the Soldiers’ National Cemetery where they noticed the markers of more than 3,500 Union soldiers, known and unknown, who were killed during the bloody days of early July 1863, yet they observed no burial markers for the approximately same number of Confederates who lost their lives on these identical fields. 

After learning from a National Park Ranger that the Confederates are not buried in the cemetery the visitors often ask a second, more concerned question: “Why aren’t the Confederates buried in the national cemetery, aren’t they Americans too?” While it is true that many of the Confederates felt they were still Americans, they were fighting against the United States after having seceded from it three years earlier. Hence when President Lincoln arrived to dedicate the Soldiers’ National Cemetery in November 1863 it was for the Union dead only. The Soldiers’ National Cemetery was set aside to be the final resting place for those who gave their last full measure to preserve the Union. There was to be no room for those trying to destroy it.

Beginning in 1871, the first efforts to have Confederate remains removed to southern cemeteries was initiated by the Wake County Ladies Memorial Association in North Carolina. Similar associations in South Carolina and Georgia followed suit and Dr. Rufus Weaver was contracted to supervise the removal of the Confederate dead. This was a daunting task, given the forlorn condition of battlefield graves and the loss of grave markers, many of which had not been maintained or cared for by the farmers upon whose land the graves were located. Using a journal of identified Confederate burials compiled by Dr. J.W.C. O’Neal (a Virginia-born physician who resided in Gettysburg), as well as his extensive knowledge of the locations of individual sites and mass graves, Dr. Weaver was successful in returning the remains of 3,320 soldiers, the vast majority of which were sent to Hollywood Cemetery in Richmond, Virginia. Fewer numbers of Confederate remains were delivered to cemeteries in Raleigh, North Carolina, Savannah, Georgia, and Charleston, South Carolina, where they were interred in town cemeteries.

Then there is a final question. “Are there still bodies in the fields that have not been found?”The answer to this is almost certainly yes. Since the 1870’s and throughout much of the 1900’s remains have been uncovered. One noted historian stated that nearly 1,500 Confederate remains from the Gettysburg Campaign have been unaccounted for and there is a possibility that some are still buried at Gettysburg. The most recent discovery occurred in 1995 near the Railroad Cut, the scene of bitter fighting on July 1, 1863. The identity of this soldier and the army in which he served could not be readily identified during the archaeological excavation of the remains, but some battle experts believe he fought for the Confederacy and was most likely a Mississippi soldier.


Timothy O'Sullivan
1868
Photograph by Alexander Gardner
Timothy O'Sullivan was born in Ireland around 1840, and came to New York City at the age of  two with his parents. As a teenager, he was employed by Mathew Brady.  When the Civil War began in early 1861, he was commissioned a first lieutenant in the Union Army (although Joel Snyder, O'Sullivan's biographer, could find no proof of this claim in Army records) and, over the next year, was present at Beaufort, Port Royal, Fort Walker and Fort Pulaski.  There is no record of him fighting.  He most likely did civilian's work for the army such as surveying, and he took photographs in his spare time.

After being honorably discharged, he rejoined Brady's team. In July 1862, O'Sullivan followed the campaign of General John Pope's Northern Virginia Campaign.  In July 1863, he created his most famous photograph, "The Harvest of Death," depicting dead soldiers from the Battle of Gettysburg, as well as many other photographs at the battlefield.  



Gardner's Photographic Sketch Book of the War was largely ignored when it was first published; however, according to art historian Anthony Lee and English professor Elizabeth Young, who have studied this classic work, "by the end of Reconstruction it had become the best-known visual representation of the Civil War" and it remains a "foundational volume in the history of American photography."

Plate 37, Gardner's Photographic Sketch Book of the War
The dead shown in the photograph were our own men. The picture represents only a single spot on the long line of killed, which after the fight extended across the fields. Some of the dead presented an aspect which showed that they had suffered severely just previous to dissolution, but these were few in number compared with those who wore a calm and resigned expression, as though they had passed away in the act of prayer. Others had a smile on their faces, and looked as if they were in the act of speaking. Some lay stretched on their backs, as if friendly hands had prepared them for burial. Some were still resting on one knee, their hands grasping their muskets. In some instances the cartridge remained between the teeth, or the musket was held in one hand, and the other was uplifted as though to ward a blow, or appealing to heaven. The faces of all were pale, as though cut in marble, and as the wind swept across the battle-field it waved the hair, and gave the bodies such an appearance of life that a spectator could hardly help thinking they were about to rise to continue the fight.
 ~ Text for Plate 37 in Gardner's Photographic Sketch Book of the War